Two census measures that tell the story of why AL-07 was drawn, why it is targeted under Callais, and what is at stake when Alabama's only majority-Black congressional seat is broken.
The 51.1% Black share is more than four times the national rate and roughly double Alabama's statewide share — a demographic foundation built precinct by precinct after the 1965 Voting Rights Act, now newly vulnerable post-Callais.
The BVAP gap between district, state, and nation is the operational case for the seat. Dismantling AL-07 does not change who lives here. It only denies them the chance to elect a representative they recognize — which is precisely what Callais was designed to allow.
Population, voting-age population (VAP), and Black voting-age population (BVAP): U.S. Census Bureau, American Community Survey 5-year estimates. Partisan lean (PVI) and race ratings: Cook Political Report, with district-level updates following the 2026 redraw cycle. Voter registration and file data: Alabama Secretary of State public records, supplemented by commercial voter files from Catalist, L2, and TargetSmart. Polling and electoral analysis: Blue Rose Research, Equis Research, Pew Research Center, and Sabato's Crystal Ball (UVA Center for Politics). Map status, redistricting timeline, and litigation: Alabama state legislative records, federal court filings (including the Supreme Court's June 2, 2026 stay order in Allen v. Milligan), the Loyola Law School “All About Redistricting” docket, and published positions from NAACP Legal Defense Fund and ACLU of Alabama. Election calendar and results: Governor's office special-election proclamations (May 12 and May 29, 2026); unofficial Aug 11 special primary results as reported by WBHM and Alabama Political Reporter; district demographics and polling as reported by PBS News and Alabama Daily News. Field intelligence: relayed from named partner organizations through coalition coordination; reflects current operating conditions rather than peer-reviewed analysis.
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