Two census measures that tell the story of why AL-07 was drawn, why it is targeted under Callais, and what is at stake when Alabama's only majority-Black congressional seat is broken.
The 51.1% Black share is more than four times the national rate and roughly double Alabama's statewide share — a demographic foundation built precinct by precinct after the 1965 Voting Rights Act, now newly vulnerable post-Callais.
The BVAP gap between district, state, and nation is the operational case for the seat. Dismantling AL-07 does not change who lives here. It only denies them the chance to elect a representative they recognize — which is precisely what Callais was designed to allow.
Population, voting-age population (VAP), and Black voting-age population (BVAP): U.S. Census Bureau, American Community Survey 5-year estimates. Partisan lean (PVI) and race ratings: Cook Political Report, with district-level updates following the 2026 redraw cycle. Voter registration and file data: Alabama Secretary of State public records, supplemented by commercial voter files from Catalist, L2, and TargetSmart. Polling and electoral analysis: Blue Rose Research, Equis Research, Pew Research Center, and Sabato's Crystal Ball (UVA Center for Politics). Map status, redistricting timeline, and litigation: Alabama state legislative records, federal court filings, and published positions from NAACP Legal Defense Fund and ACLU of Alabama. Field intelligence: relayed from named partner organizations through coalition coordination; reflects current operating conditions rather than peer-reviewed analysis.
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